AGITATION OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION.
Every conservative lover of law and order, every supporter
of the Constitution and advocate of the Union, every
American mind and heart, not false to the faith of the
founders of freedom, lost to all reverence for justice and
truth, or callous to the cause of civil and religious
liberty, thoughout Christendom, must have long ago become
surfeited with the incessant agitation of the slavery
question.
For more than fifty years the question of slavery has been
more or less a subject of discord and contention; and, more
recently, in some shape or other, it has been continually
coming up in the councils of the nation, in the State
Legislatures of the non-slaveholding States, before the
people of the North, as an issue in elections, local and
federal, and before the people of the South as an offset to
its agitation at the North, to be considered with reference
to its vindication as one of the essential elements of our
society, its maintenance as an institution for the public
good, and the protection of our rights, originating in it
and under it, as the great God-given guaranty of the freedom
of the white man through the thralldom of the black -- the
accomplishment of the destiny of the African and Anglo-Saxon
races by an observance and enforcement of the relations
between them designed and decreed by divinity. From first to
last, from the ordinance of 1787 to the
adoption of the Missouri Compromise from 1820
to 1857, the agitation of this question has been growing
greater and fiercer and wilder; widening its circle with
each succeeding year, and increasing its virulence and
vehemence with every new event and incident that
have arisen, upon which it could possibly be brought
to bear, until the Union shudders under its shocks, and
patriots of all parties gaze aghast at its reckless and
ruinous revels in the halls of Congress,
in the State Legislatures and in every quarter and
corner of the North. That the country is corrupted,
that legislation, in momentous matters of national
interest, is not only impeded, but perverted and prostituted,
that our institutions as a Republican people are immediately
and imminently endangered by the insane, suicidal agitation
of this absorbing subject, is painfully palpable to every
man, woman, and child in the nation. But it is idle on
the part of the Southern people to talk or think of putting
an end to it now. The dogs of war have been let loose
too long to be driven back to the kennel in a day,
or a month, or a year. The waters are rushing over
the precipice too wildly to hush the thunders of
the cataract in an hour; and, however earnestly we may
desire it, however anxiously we may hope, however fervently
we may pray for it, there is no human hand that can turn
back, at once, the torrent tide of abolitionism
now so rapidly rising around us, threatening to tear the
ship of State from her moorings, and dash her to pieces
where the surf surges high, from the confluent waters at
Mason & Dixon's line.
It is a waste of words to talk about it, and it would be
a waste of time to attempt it.
Subsequent to the election of Mr. Buchanan,
and previous to the recent decision of the Supreme Court,
there seemed to be something like a bow of promise in the
political sky. The angry waters raved less loudly, the
clouds looked lighter, and sunshine seemed to be smiling the
shadows away. Abolitionism had been baffled and beaten
in a desperate assault upon the citadel defending the
Constitution and the Union, the sovereignty of the States
and the rights of the South; and there was high hope that
its most furious Counsel might be its last, except in feeble
bands, the scattered remnant of a routed host. But, since
then, there is every evidence of an organization
contemplated, and it may be begun, upon a broader basis than
ever, for the purpose of placing the sceptre in the hands of
the enemies of slavery in 1860.
The election of the Judges of the Supreme Court by the
people, is henceforth to be one of the aims of the
Abolitionists, for acquiring the means of having the
Constitution construed according to their own fanatical
ideas of law. If they accomplish that end, the strongest
bulwark of the South will have been swept away, the last
bond of union will have been broken. But, before they can
achieve that dark design, the halls of Congress will echo
other sounds than the voices of members.
Agitation in politics as in everything else, either in the
physical or moral world, is the result of a conflict between
right and wrong -- an opposition of natural to artifical
law; a resistance of reason, justice and truth, to prejudice
or passion, iniquity or falsehood. And it will never end
until the obstruction is removed. Heap up rocks in the river
and the waters will foam and fret against them, for a
thousand years, or until the rocks are removed and the river
rolls on its accustomed course according to the laws of
nature. Train a child to believe that there is no
God, and until reason assumes a supremacy over
the obstacle in its way, there will be fear and doubt --
an agitation in the mind, arising from the
conflict of education with instinct. And so with the slavery
question; as long as abolitionism is extant, as
long as the laws of the land are opposed, and impeded by
disloyalty and treason, as long as the rights of the
South are dodged and resisted by the
North, so long must there be agitation, incessant,
increased and increasing agitation on
the slavery question. Every patriot in the nation must
deplore it deeply; but we should depreciate the cause rather
than the effect -- abolitionism rather than a result of
resistance -- if we would express our real regret at the
disease, rather than an effect of the remedy.
If the people of the North would cease to hurl thunderbolts
at us from their pulpits, to fulminate firebrands into our
society through their press, to attempt to intercept us in
every territory, to defraud and to force us out of our rights;
if, in other words, they would "render unto Ceasar
the things that are Ceasars" concede to us
equality in the Union, offer no illegal and unjust
obstruction to the extension of our institutions, if they
would let us alone and leave slavery to the
states, and to the same protection and privileges enjoyed by
all other property under the Constitution, the
agitation of the question would come to
an end on the instant. The trouble would cease simultaneously
with the cause that produced it. But, as long as they
empty their vials of wrath upon our heads, ours must
be emptied on theirs. If they propagate calumnies, we must
refute them. If they incite their people to
hate and assault the South, we must incite
our people to reciprocate
the hatred, and repel the attacks. If they smite us
on the cheek, we cannot and will not turn the other to them
too. If there is a danger in agitation, there is still more
danger in supineness and submission. The South has never
assumed an attitude of hostility to the North.
Our position has always been and is still that of right and honor and
virtue, acting on the defensive against injustice, immorality
and wrong. It is true we hurl back the anathemas of the
North, resist their taunts and jeers with fourfold force
and truth, and expose to the public gaze the venality and
cankerous corruption of their free society.
But we never propose to amend their morals, to ameliorate
the intolerable fits of their body politic, to interfere in
any way with their institutions through that instrumentality
of the federal government. We never send emissaries among
them to incite socialism -- incendiaries to instigate
rebellion of labor against capital, to persuade the starving
fugitive slave and their tens of thousands of desperate
paupers to rise in revolt against their philanthropic
millionaires. We never protest against the protection of
their property by the Constitution.
We leave their domestic matters to themselves; and all we
ask is an observance on their part, of the same policy towards us.
As long as their sword is
unsheathed, ours will be also. We make no war upon them;
but as long as our rights are denied, the temple of Janus
can never be closed.
Transcribed and reverse-order proofed by T. Lloyd Benson,
Department of History, Furman University, from the
Richmond, Virginia, Enquirer, 17 March 1857.