Furman University: Thaddeus Stevens Papers On-line William Strather to Thaddeus Stevens, 28 April 1866.
Transcribed by Sally Ryan Burgess and reverse-order proofed by Keith Carson, Furman University, from the Thaddeus Stevens Papers.
In the wake of the Civil War and emancipation, the nation's freedmen sought political and social equality with whites, as well as the right to own the land they had worked for centuries. While they were indeed free in the physical sense, the reality of subsistence farming and intense racial discrimination wielded upon them by whites made the struggle for equality increasingly difficult. President Johnson's opposition to universal manhood suffrage and the inability of Congress to act decisively on issues concerning the freedmen, opened the door for proposals by Radical Republican reconstructionists.[1]
Thaddeus Stevens, one of the leading Radicals, developed many proposals to improve the harsh social and political conditions freedmen encountered in the South. He advocated the distribution of former plantation lands to the freedmen, he pronounced the need for universal manhood suffrage, and he called for a society cleansed of racial inequality.[2] Furthermore, Stevens guided vital pieces of legislation, in the form of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, the Reconstruction Act of 1867, and the Fourteenth Amendment, through Congress and over President Johnson's veto.[3] While Stevens views were perceived as Radical by the Democratic party and President Johnson, he received widespread support from former abolitionists, freedmen, and oddly enough, from a handful of Southern Unionists.[4]
The following letter is unique for a variety of reasons. It is written by a white Georgian by the name of William Strather to Thaddeus Stevens. Strather, in the face of Southern opposition, professes his support for Stevens policies on universal suffrage, national unity, and equality of the races. While he praises Steven's proposals of racial equality, his language illustrates that he also professes paternalistic convictions towards the freedmen. Despite his many faults, Strather offers Stevens an inside-out view of race relations within the state of Georgia. He notes that the freedmen work very hard, are well mannered, and that they are willing to work with whites to ensure the economic security of the Southern region. Furthermore, he implies that racial violence is more common between Irish immigrants and the freedmen, than between the freedmen and their former plantation owners. Strather grants Stevens an eyewitness account of life in the disorganized South, as well as hope for the political support of other Southern Unionists. This letter is significant because of its distortion of Steven's proposals and freedmen's aspirations and because of its detailed descriptions of the political conditions in Georgia during reconstruction.
As the admission of the Southern States to representation in Congress is the great question now exciting the public mind, I hope you will not deem it impudent in me, although I am a native borne and raised citizen of Georgia, to address you a few lines, giving to some extent my views in regard to the restoration policy necessary, to a perfect and lasting peace.
I have with much interest watched your noble course, Since the cessation of hostilities, at which time this became a living question and above all other members of Congress advise your candor and earnest pleading for equeal justice to all men. The stand you have taken I know is not popular with the great mass of the Southern people at present; this however is very natural and easily understood. Could you expect otherwise under the circumstances - I know that you do not.
Now President Johnstons views coincide very much with the feelings of the radicals among us, although, in my opinion, his position is not as [illegible] Southern as many want to believe and would have it to be. From present indications, his policy is only calculated to license the radicals in open and severe condemnation of the Government and keep alive that sectional spirit of hatred which a majority of the Southern people bear towards the loyal men of this country; and should it be [sic: addopted] as the settled policy of the Government the same [unclear: mangling] and dissatisfaction will exist that did for years before the rebellion was inaugurated, and sectional hatred will grow anew until the great interest and welfare of our common country will be neglected to an extent that no remedy can be applied for its redemption. If however in the end we are saved and united again in one common brotherhood it can only be done, in my judgement, by addopting the plan you propose - Stand firm - the Southern people are now divided, and although almost a [sic: unananimous] vote might be taken against universal suffrage, yet if, the freedmen were allowed a vote - mark my words - neither party would refuse to receive them. They might at first hesitate, but the casting of a few votes would [sic: broke] the ice and all would vote as quietly as ever before.
The Irish are the bitterest enemies the [deleted: negroes] [interlined: freedmen] have among us, and the freedmen in return hate them with a bitter hatred. The Germans are conservative and Union loving.
The argument of some Southern men is that the freedmen could be made to vote as their former owners wished them to, this is a great mistake; about the same mistake made by the entire Southern people in reference to the negroes fidelity as a slave. It is true he remained quiet, but as soon as the chains of slavery were torn [sic: lose] see how he enjoyed the boon of liberty. Our people too persuaded themselves to believe that they were indolent and would not work. The contrary has been fully demonstrated and today in Georgia, I doubt if there is not as much work done by the freedmen as ever was in the same length of time under the old slavery system.
I am a Southern white man and my parents before me were Southern. Still I must confess that the Southern people as a whole are not faithful or true exponents of the [sic: negroe's] character or his ability. What nation, what people upon god's green earth could have received the great change from slavery to freedom with more complacency and respect to their former owners than the poor [sic: negroe] of the South did. And to-day you find a large majority of them have hired themselves to the identical men, who, in some instances to my certain knowledge, have treated them cruelly yea barbarously. Being elevated as they have been to a position almost equal to their former masters one might suppose that it is not fully appreciated by them, but I tell you in all candor, there is a self respect and a disposition exhibited on their part to do good which seems almost incredible under the circumstances, shame upon those men who would seek to trample upon such a people; and shame I must say be upon those who can help them and will not.
Throughout this great state they are to be found quietly labouring for an honest living yet, earnestly looking for nights that will protect them in the future and the next cotton crop will prove what I say to be true in regard to their industry.
Should you consider this letter worthy of notice and will write to me, I promise in return to give you an occasional letter touching upon other important points relating to this subject and parting you as to the sentiment & C of the people & progress of the freedmen.
I must ask that you keep my name confidential as, at present, the [unclear: union] or conservative men have no safeguard. If the freedmen were given the election franchise it would be quite different. Do send me some speeches and other matter relating to this subject as our papers only refer to one side of the question.
(benson/HST41/green/stevens1.htm)