The Past and the Future.
Our columns, for some time past, have teemed with a record
of facts that it is impossible to review without feelings
of strong indignation, and even of amazement -- indignation
at the humiliations that have been forced upon us, and
amazement at the quiet submission that has marked our
counsels and repressed our action.
The Supreme Court of the United States, in a recent case,
has, by a decision of seven to two of the Judges,
established as law what our Southern statesmen have been
repeating daily for many years on the floors of Congress,
that the whole action of this Government on the subject of
slavery, for more than a quarter of a century, from the
initiation of the Missouri Restriction in 1822, to the
California Compromise in 1850, has been all beyond the
limits of the Constitution; was without justifiable
authority; and that the whole mass should be now proclaimed
null and void, and that slavery is guaranteed by the
constitutional compact.
In this decision of the Court there is certainly presented
to the minds of all those anxious Union-savers
south of MASON and DIXON'S line
-- the men who have been teaching us so anxiously lessons
of peace, and forbearance, and self-sacrifice -- a charming
subject of contemplation and retrospection. It appears
that we, Secessionists, have been all the while not
disturbing the law, not intruding novelties upon the
country, not seeking to break up established principles,
but that we have been simply a step in advance of the
highest tribunal in the country, in declaring what was the
law of the land, and seeking honestly and faithfully to
enforce it.
But it is a curious spectacle that the Southern people have
presented to the world during this controversy. With a
domain three times greater than that of the
French Empire, with a population
greater than that which FREDERICK
of Prussia made the terror of
Europe, with agricultural
productions which govern the markets and freight the ships
of the whole civilized world -- a people independent in
themselves, necessary to all others, compact in the position
of their territory, warlike in their character, and with
their whole vast internal strength easily at command --
the South has, for a period of more than thirty years,
allowed her public men to deal in windy boastings, and
sometimes even to descend to servile entreaty, for the
purpose of saving, from the abuse of demagogues and the
persecution of traducers, those institutions which form her
lifeblood, the sources of her prosperity, and the whole
foundation of that social and industrial existence which
makes her, more than any other people, the centre of
civilization of the world. We have allowed ourselves to be
assailed in our social, political, moral and legislative
relations, and this by a people not distant or professedly
hostile, but bound to us by the ties of a common
Government -- bound by every consideration of political
brotherhood, social sympathy and commercial interest, to
treat us not only with forbearance, but even to stand as
our friend against all aggressors from without -- by a
people to whom we are indebted for no protection -- who
have hung for half a century, for the support of their
industry, upon that Central Government which we have fed
and nurtured into strength, and who have a thousand times
proclaimed that their country would become a howling
wilderness but for the exactions which have wrested from
the South the best part of the profits of her industry.
Now the highest tribunal in the country decides that every
principle on which the North has assailed us and sought to
repress us in the exercise of our rights as a part of the
Confederacy, and to limit the spread of our institutions,
to undermine their stability and to endanger their peace,
is false in law, and that every enactment of Congress
tending to carry out these principles is null and void.
Now, however, we may congratulate ourselves that the highest
tribunal has at last interposed and given its sanction to
principles that recognize distinctly the equality of the
States, and condemn the interference of the Federal
Government with affairs that are peculiarly under their
jurisdiction, and for interfering with which there is no
warrant in our common Constitution, we cannot help feeling
a sense of mortification that there has been so little of
consistent union, on the part of the South, in the
maintenance of principles on which depend absolutely her
power, her industrial prosperity, and even her very
existence. We might have made a better, as we might have
made a more successful, battle in favor of interests so
great and so vital. When all was at stake, we ought to
have risked all, for the settlement of this question. What
was it to us that there was a President to be elected, a
Cabinet to be appointed, and a squad of subordinate
officers to be placed or displaced. The sea is whitened
with the rich freightage of our commerce, and the great
country of our home is teeming with the abundant products
of our peaceful industry. These are mighty interests,
compared with which the shuffling game of politics is
pitiful in the extreme; and these are the interests which
we have too much allowed our public men to forget, or at
least to make secondary to considerations of personal
interest.
Transcribed and reverse-order proofread by
Lloyd Benson from the Charleston, South Carolina,
Mercury, 17 March 1857.